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2 Arab Parties Back Gadi Eisenkot For Israel PM, But There’s A Catch – NDTV

2 Arab Parties Back Gadi Eisenkot For Israel PM, But There’s A Catch – NDTV

Two prominent Arab political parties in Israel have signaled their potential support for Gadi Eisenkot, a leading figure in the centrist National Unity party, as the next Prime Minister. This unprecedented move, however, comes with significant conditions, marking a complex and potentially transformative moment in Israel's highly fractured political landscape. The development signals a strategic shift for Arab political representation and introduces a new variable into the ongoing efforts to form a stable government amidst deep societal divisions and an enduring conflict.

Background: A Shifting Political Landscape

The prospect of Arab parties endorsing a mainstream Zionist candidate for Prime Minister represents a notable departure from decades of established political norms in Israel. To understand the significance of this development, it is essential to examine the historical trajectory of Arab political participation, the evolving profile of Gadi Eisenkot, and the current volatile state of Israeli politics.

Historical Context of Arab Parties in Israel

Since the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Arab citizens have formed their own political parties to represent their interests within the Knesset. These parties have traditionally focused on issues such as civil rights for Arab citizens, land rights, budgetary equality, and advocating for Palestinian rights, including an end to the occupation of Palestinian territories and the establishment of a Palestinian state.

Historically, Arab parties have largely remained outside government coalitions. Their role was often characterized by being part of the opposition or, at most, providing external parliamentary support without formally joining the government. A key reason for this stance was ideological: formally joining a government led by a Zionist party was often seen as legitimizing the occupation or compromising on core national issues. Furthermore, mainstream Zionist parties, particularly from the right, often hesitated to include Arab parties due to perceived security risks or electoral backlash from their own bases.

There have been rare instances where Arab parties recommended a Zionist leader to the President for the task of forming a government. In 1992, Hadash and the Arab Democratic Party recommended Yitzhak Rabin, contributing to his narrow path to power and the subsequent Oslo Accords. Similarly, in 1999, several Arab parties recommended Ehud Barak. These recommendations were always strategic, aimed at preventing a right-wing government or advancing specific policy goals, and never led to direct coalition participation.

A significant turning point occurred in 2021 with the formation of the "change government" led by Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid. For the first time in Israel's history, an independent Arab party, Ra'am (United Arab List), formally joined the ruling coalition. Led by Mansour Abbas, Ra'am adopted a pragmatic approach, prioritizing the socio-economic needs of Arab citizens over traditional nationalist-ideological demands. This move was controversial within the Arab community, with some hailing it as a breakthrough for integration and influence, while others criticized it as a betrayal of Palestinian national aspirations. Ra'am's participation, though short-lived, demonstrated the potential for Arab parties to wield direct political power and influence policy from within the government. Its collapse in 2022, alongside the broader coalition, highlighted the fragility of such alliances.

Gadi Eisenkot’s Political Profile

Gadi Eisenkot brings a distinct background to the Israeli political arena. A former Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) from 2015 to 2019, he holds a strong security pedigree, a quality often valued by Israeli voters across the political spectrum. During his military tenure, Eisenkot oversaw significant operational periods, including the implementation of the "Gideon" multi-year plan aimed at modernizing the IDF. He is often perceived as a disciplined, pragmatic, and analytical leader, less prone to populist rhetoric.

Eisenkot entered politics in 2022, joining Benny Gantz's National Unity party, a centrist faction that positions itself as a responsible alternative to both the current right-wing government and the more left-leaning opposition. His political positions generally reflect a centrist viewpoint: advocating for a strong security posture, but also expressing openness to diplomatic solutions and a two-state solution, albeit with significant security caveats. He has also voiced concerns about the erosion of democratic institutions and the need for national unity.

Following the October 7, 2023, attacks and the subsequent war in Gaza, Eisenkot, along with Benny Gantz, joined Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's emergency war cabinet, demonstrating a willingness to set aside political differences during a national crisis. This move further elevated his public profile and reinforced his image as a statesman capable of operating beyond narrow party lines. His presence in the war cabinet provided a measure of public trust and a sense of shared responsibility during a challenging period.

Current Israeli Political Landscape

Israel's political landscape is characterized by deep polarization and chronic instability. The country has held five general elections between 2019 and 2022, each struggling to produce a stable governing coalition. The current government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, is a right-wing, religious-nationalist coalition that includes highly conservative and far-right parties. Its policies have often been contentious, both domestically and internationally, particularly regarding judicial reform, settlement expansion, and the handling of the Palestinian issue.

Public sentiment is deeply divided. While there is strong support for the government among its base, significant portions of the population express dissatisfaction with its policies, particularly concerning governance, social cohesion, and the handling of the ongoing conflict. The October 7 attacks and the subsequent war have intensified many of these divisions while also creating a temporary sense of national solidarity. However, as the war progresses, domestic political debates, including those about the leadership's responsibility and the "day after" in Gaza, have resurfaced with renewed intensity.

The opposition bloc, comprising centrist, left-wing, and Arab parties, has struggled to present a united front capable of unseating the current government. The prospect of an alternative government often hinges on the ability of disparate parties to bridge significant ideological gaps. In this context, any move that could potentially create a new path to coalition formation, especially one involving Arab parties, is viewed with keen interest and intense scrutiny.

Key Developments: The Endorsement and Its Catch

The recent signals from two Arab parties regarding their potential support for Gadi Eisenkot represent a significant inflection point, reflecting both evolving political strategies and an urgent desire for change among certain segments of the Israeli electorate. However, this endorsement is far from unconditional, embedded with specific demands that highlight the intricate challenges of Israeli coalition politics.

Specifics of the Endorsement

While the precise timing and official declaration of the endorsement remain fluid in the dynamic Israeli political environment, reports indicate that discussions and preliminary agreements have taken place between representatives of Gadi Eisenkot's National Unity party and two prominent Arab factions: Hadash-Ta'al and Ra'am.

Hadash-Ta'al: This joint list typically represents a more ideological, left-leaning, and communist-socialist segment of the Arab public. It advocates strongly for Palestinian national rights, an end to the occupation, and social justice. Historically, Hadash (Democratic Front for Peace and Equality) has been among the few Arab parties to recommend Zionist leaders for PM in the past, viewing it as a strategic move to prevent a more right-wing government or to advance peace processes. Their potential support for Eisenkot would likely stem from a desire to remove the current government and potentially shift Israel's trajectory on the Palestinian issue.
* Ra'am (United Arab List): As an Islamist party, Ra'am's political strategy has evolved towards pragmatism, as demonstrated by its unprecedented participation in the Bennett-Lapid government. Led by Mansour Abbas, Ra'am prioritizes the socio-economic advancement of Arab citizens within Israel, seeking to improve their daily lives through budgetary allocations and policy changes. Their potential endorsement of Eisenkot would align with their pragmatic approach, seeking tangible benefits for their constituents and potentially a more moderate government.

The nature of their support is crucial. It is likely to be a recommendation to the President of Israel to task Eisenkot with forming a government, rather than an outright commitment to join a coalition without substantial concessions. Such a recommendation holds significant symbolic weight and practical implications, as the President typically consults with all elected party leaders before assigning the mandate to the candidate with the best chance of forming a government. For Eisenkot, securing such recommendations from Arab parties would significantly boost his chances of presenting a viable path to the premiership, especially if the traditional right-wing bloc remains fragmented or unable to form a stable majority.

The “Catch” Explained in Detail

The "catch" underlying the Arab parties' endorsement is multi-faceted, reflecting their core political objectives and the deep divisions within Israeli society. These conditions are not merely tactical demands but represent fundamental policy shifts that would be challenging for any mainstream Israeli leader, including Eisenkot, to fully embrace without alienating other potential coalition partners.

The conditions broadly fall into several categories:

1. Policy on the Palestinian Issue: This is often the most significant and sensitive demand. Arab parties would likely require a clear commitment to advancing a political horizon for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This could include:
* Two-State Solution: A renewed commitment to the two-state solution based on the 1967 borders, which has been largely sidelined by the current government.
* Settlement Policy: A freeze or significant slowdown in settlement expansion in the West Bank.
* Gaza Policy: A comprehensive plan for the "day after" in Gaza that includes a political solution and addresses humanitarian needs, rather than solely military control.
* Jerusalem: A commitment to maintaining the status quo in Jerusalem and addressing the rights of its Palestinian residents.
* International Law: Adherence to international law regarding the occupation.

For Eisenkot, while he has expressed openness to a two-state solution in the past, his military background and centrist position mean he would likely advocate for a solution with robust security guarantees, which might clash with the more far-reaching demands of Arab parties.

2. Civil Rights and Equality for Arab Citizens: This is a primary focus for both Hadash-Ta'al and Ra'am, albeit with different emphases.
* Budgetary Equality: A significant increase in state budgets allocated to Arab localities for infrastructure, education, health, and social services, to address long-standing disparities.
* Combating Crime: Concrete and effective measures to tackle the rampant crime and violence within Arab communities, which is a major concern for residents.
* Land and Housing: Addressing discriminatory land policies, expanding planning and construction in Arab towns, and recognizing unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Negev.
* Nationality Law: Demands to amend or revoke the controversial 2018 Nation-State Law, which declares Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people and has been criticized by Arab leaders as discriminatory.
* Representation: Increased representation of Arab citizens in public service and decision-making bodies.

3. Legislative Priorities and Veto Power: Arab parties would likely demand specific legislative commitments and potentially a degree of veto power over certain government policies.
* Freezing Discriminatory Legislation: A commitment to halt or repeal legislation perceived as discriminatory against Arab citizens or that infringes on democratic principles.
* Key Committee Chairs: Access to chair powerful Knesset committees to advance their legislative agenda.
* Ministerial Portfolios: While direct coalition participation might be less likely for Hadash-Ta'al, Ra'am would likely demand significant ministerial portfolios that directly impact their constituents, such as Housing, Interior, or Deputy Minister positions in relevant ministries.

The realism of these conditions is a major point of contention. While some demands, particularly those related to budgetary equality and combating crime, could find common ground with centrist parties, the more ideologically charged demands regarding the Palestinian issue and the Nation-State Law present significant hurdles. Eisenkot and his party would need to balance these demands with the need to attract other potential coalition partners, such as secular-liberal parties, and avoid alienating more security-conscious or right-leaning voters.

Reactions to the Endorsement

The mere speculation or confirmation of such an endorsement has already generated a range of reactions across the Israeli political spectrum.

Eisenkot's National Unity Party: While they would likely welcome any path to the premiership, the party would need to carefully manage the optics. They would emphasize Eisenkot's broad appeal and his commitment to national unity, framing the Arab parties' support as a testament to his ability to bridge divides rather than an ideological compromise. They would likely highlight shared interests in good governance and stability.
* Other Opposition Parties:
* Yesh Atid (Yair Lapid): As the largest opposition party, Yesh Atid would likely view this development with mixed feelings. On one hand, it could strengthen the overall anti-Netanyahu bloc. On the other hand, it could challenge Lapid's own leadership ambitions and potentially push Eisenkot ahead as the preferred candidate for a broad coalition. They would likely support the move if it genuinely leads to a change in government.
* Labor/Meretz: These left-leaning parties would likely be more receptive to the Arab parties' conditions, as many align with their own platforms, particularly on the Palestinian issue and civil rights. They would see it as a positive step towards a more progressive government.
* Governing Coalition (Likud, Religious Zionism, Shas, UTJ): The reaction from the current government would be fiercely negative. They would likely launch a strong campaign to delegitimize any government relying on Arab party support, portraying it as a threat to Israel's Jewish identity and security. They would accuse Eisenkot of betraying Zionist values and forming an "anti-Zionist" government, using the same rhetoric previously deployed against the Bennett-Lapid government that included Ra'am. This narrative resonates strongly with their right-wing base.
* Within the Arab Community: The endorsement would spark internal debate. Pragmatists would laud it as a strategic move to gain influence and improve the lives of Arab citizens. Ideologues and more radical elements might criticize it as "normalizing" relations with a Zionist general, particularly one with a military background, and compromising on core Palestinian national principles. There would be discussions about whether the "catch" is sufficient to justify such a political alliance.
* Analysts and Commentators: Political analysts would dissect the move, examining its potential to reshape coalition dynamics, its implications for the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the long-term evolution of Arab political power in Israel. Many would point to the inherent contradictions and challenges in forming a government that can satisfy such diverse demands.

Impact: Reshaping Israeli Politics and Society

The potential endorsement of Gadi Eisenkot by Arab parties, contingent on significant policy concessions, carries profound implications for various aspects of Israeli society and its political future. It could redefine political alliances, influence public discourse, and even alter the trajectory of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

On Gadi Eisenkot’s Political Standing

For Gadi Eisenkot, this development presents both a significant opportunity and a considerable risk.
* Boosts Profile: Receiving the backing of Arab parties, even conditional, elevates his status as a potential consensus candidate capable of assembling a broad coalition. In a fragmented political landscape, the ability to bridge divides is a valuable asset. It positions him as a serious contender for the premiership, potentially surpassing other centrist leaders in the race to form an alternative government.
* Potential Alienation: However, aligning with Arab parties could alienate some right-leaning or even centrist-right voters who are wary of Arab political influence, particularly on issues related to national security and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The right-wing political camp would undoubtedly leverage this to paint Eisenkot as beholden to "anti-Zionist" elements, a narrative that has proven effective in past elections.
* Dilemma of Compromise: Eisenkot would face the difficult task of embracing this support while simultaneously demonstrating that he remains committed to core Zionist values and security priorities. He would need to carefully articulate how any concessions made to Arab parties align with his broader vision for Israel, without appearing to compromise on fundamental principles. This delicate balancing act would define his leadership in the initial stages of any potential government formation.

On the Arab Parties

For the Arab parties involved, this move represents a calculated risk with the potential for significant rewards.
* Enhanced Kingmaker Potential: By offering their support, they demonstrate their critical role in determining who can form a government. This enhances their political leverage and positions them as indispensable players in future coalition negotiations, forcing mainstream parties to consider their demands more seriously.
* Internal Divisions: The decision to endorse a Zionist leader, especially a former IDF Chief of Staff, is bound to spark intense debate and potential divisions within the Arab community. Pragmatic voices will argue for the necessity of engaging in mainstream politics to achieve tangible benefits for their constituents, while more ideological factions may criticize it as a betrayal of Palestinian national aspirations or an unacceptable compromise. Managing these internal tensions will be crucial for the cohesion of these parties.
* Risk of Backlash: If the "catch" conditions are not met, or if a government formed with their support fails to deliver on its promises, the parties could face accusations of political naivety or ineffectiveness. This could lead to disillusionment among their voters and potentially a decline in electoral support in future elections.
* Evolving Strategy: This move signifies a continued evolution in Arab political strategy, moving beyond mere opposition to actively seeking to shape government from within or by leveraging their parliamentary power. It builds on the precedent set by Ra'am's participation in the Bennett-Lapid government, further normalizing the idea of Arab parties as legitimate partners in government formation.

On the Broader Israeli Political Landscape

The potential endorsement could fundamentally alter the dynamics of Israeli politics.
* New Coalition Configurations: It opens the door for new types of coalition configurations, potentially allowing for a broad centrist-left-Arab bloc to emerge as a viable alternative to the current right-religious government. This could break the long-standing political deadlock that has plagued Israel.
* Fracturing the Right: While the right-wing bloc would vehemently oppose such a government, the prospect of a centrist-Arab alliance might compel some moderate elements within the broader right to reconsider their own alliances, potentially leading to further fracturing if they see no path to power within their traditional bloc.
* Public Discourse on Arab Integration: The debate surrounding this endorsement will inevitably force a national conversation about the role of Arab citizens and their political representatives in Israeli democracy. It could either accelerate the process of integration and shared governance or exacerbate existing tensions and xenophobia, depending on how political leaders frame the discussion.
* Role of the President: The President's role in assigning the mandate for government formation becomes even more critical. Their consultations and eventual decision will be watched closely, as it will reflect the perceived viability and legitimacy of a government relying on Arab party support.

On the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

If the "catch" includes significant policy shifts on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the impact could be substantial.
* Renewed Diplomatic Efforts: A government formed with Arab party support might be more inclined to pursue renewed diplomatic efforts towards a two-state solution, or at least to de-escalate tensions and improve conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. This would mark a significant departure from the policies of the current government, which has largely sidelined the peace process.
* International Perception: Such a government could improve Israel's standing on the international stage, particularly with countries that advocate for a two-state solution. It might signal a more moderate and pragmatic direction for Israeli foreign policy, potentially easing tensions with allies and partners.
* Challenges and Opposition: Any significant shift on the Palestinian issue would face fierce opposition from the Israeli right and settler movement, potentially leading to widespread protests and political instability. Managing these internal pressures while pursuing a more conciliatory policy would be a monumental challenge for Eisenkot.

On International Relations

The formation of a government that includes or relies on Arab parties could have implications for Israel's international standing.
* US and EU Relations: The United States and European Union, which have often expressed concerns about the current Israeli government's policies regarding the Palestinian issue and democratic institutions, might view such a development positively. It could pave the way for closer cooperation and a renewed push for a two-state solution.
* Regional Dynamics: Arab states that have normalized relations with Israel (Abraham Accords signatories) might view this development with interest. While their primary focus remains on strategic cooperation, a more moderate Israeli government with Arab parliamentary support could potentially ease some of the internal and external criticisms they face regarding their ties with Israel. Conversely, states and organizations that are more critical of Israel's policies might view it as a superficial change if core issues remain unaddressed.

What Next: Pathways and Challenges Ahead

The potential endorsement of Gadi Eisenkot by Arab parties opens several pathways for Israel's political future, each fraught with challenges and opportunities. The coming months will likely be characterized by intense political maneuvering, public debate, and potentially, another round of elections.

2 Arab Parties Back Gadi Eisenkot For Israel PM, But There's A Catch - NDTV

Potential Scenarios for Government Formation

1. A Broad "Unity" Government: The most immediate scenario is an attempt to form a broad government that includes Eisenkot's National Unity party, Yair Lapid's Yesh Atid, other centrist and left-wing parties, and potentially relying on the external support or direct participation of Arab parties. Such a government would aim to present itself as a stable, unifying alternative to the current administration, focusing on issues of governance, economic stability, and potentially a more moderate approach to security and foreign policy. The "catch" from the Arab parties would be central to the negotiations, requiring significant compromises from Eisenkot and his allies.
2. Another Round of Elections: If no party leader, including Eisenkot, can successfully navigate the complex demands of potential coalition partners and secure a majority in the Knesset, Israel may be headed for another general election. The current government's stability is often questioned, and any major political upheaval or failure to pass a budget could trigger an early election. In such a scenario, the potential endorsement of Eisenkot by Arab parties would become a major campaign issue, with the right-wing bloc using it to rally its base against a perceived "left-Arab" threat.
3. Eisenkot's Path to Premiership: For Eisenkot to become Prime Minister, he would first need to receive the mandate from the President, based on a sufficient number of recommendations from Knesset members. He would then need to successfully negotiate a coalition agreement that addresses the "catch" from Arab parties while also satisfying the demands of his other potential partners. This would likely involve a delicate balancing act, perhaps offering a "package deal" that includes some policy concessions on civil rights and budgetary allocations, alongside a commitment to a political horizon for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, without fully adopting the most maximalist demands.

The Role of Elections

Should new elections be called, the dynamic of Arab party support for a centrist candidate would undoubtedly be a central theme.
* Campaign Narratives: The right-wing would likely use this alliance to demonize Eisenkot and his partners, portraying them as being dependent on "anti-Zionist" forces and a threat to Israel's Jewish character. This narrative has historically been effective in mobilizing their base.
* Arab Voter Turnout: The Arab parties, in turn, would need to convince their voters that this strategic engagement with a Zionist leader is a viable path to achieving tangible improvements in their lives and advancing their political goals. High voter turnout among Arab citizens would be crucial for their electoral success and influence.
* Centrist Dilemma: Centrist parties would need to carefully craft their message, emphasizing the need for national unity and the importance of including all segments of Israeli society, while also reassuring their more moderate voters about their commitment to security and national identity.

Policy Debates and Legislative Agenda

If a government relying on Arab party support were to form, the legislative agenda would likely reflect a blend of centrist priorities and the demands of the Arab factions.
* Social Justice and Equality: There would likely be a strong emphasis on legislation aimed at reducing socio-economic disparities, increasing budgets for Arab communities, and combating crime.
* Security and Diplomacy: Eisenkot's background would ensure a focus on security, but there might be a renewed push for diplomatic initiatives related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, albeit with a cautious approach.
* Democratic Reforms: Given the concerns raised by centrist and left-wing parties about the current government's judicial reform attempts, a new government might prioritize legislation aimed at strengthening democratic institutions and checks and balances.

Challenges and Opportunities

The road ahead is fraught with challenges: * Overcoming Ideological Differences: The ideological gaps between Arab parties, centrists, and the left are significant. Bridging these differences to form a stable, functioning government will require unprecedented levels of flexibility and compromise from all sides.
* Managing Public Expectations and Backlash: Any government formed in this manner would face intense scrutiny and potential backlash from various segments of the Israeli public. Managing these expectations and demonstrating effective governance will be crucial for its longevity.
* Building Trust: Decades of mistrust and animosity between Jewish and Arab political factions cannot be overcome overnight. Building genuine trust and a shared sense of purpose will be a long-term endeavor.

Despite these challenges, the opportunity for a significant shift in Israeli politics is real. This potential alliance could pave the way for a more inclusive and representative government, one that better reflects the diverse fabric of

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